To be a party to an organization is to be identified to that organization and renunciation of the other party. However, in the Philippine case politicians freely and gracefully shift from one party to another, the other changed his mind and do the same. Party – switching had been a common scenario in the Philippine politics. Its occurrence is usually at election times or at times when there is a need to resolve a certain conflict involving a political issue or question and during times of revolutions and People Power.
True enough the party system of the country seems to resemble chameleons of politicians going from one party to another. On several occasions when there is a need of choosing a stand, no contemporary party in the country had solidly put a stance. Member politicians usually pursue what they had in mind and in compromising with the other members of his own party and with that party unwilling to take his side, he resorts to switching parties. There will always be a surprise during times of People Power where a number of personalities from the other party join the other for their support of their grievances and stance.
The recent division of the lower house regarding whether to impeach or not to impeach Gloria Macapagal Arroyo easily shows the different flaws in the Philippine Party System. Each party did not vote as a party but individually. In times of elections, one party will attack the other by attacking the personality of a member of the opponents and not that of the programs or criticism of the platforms set forth. During these times, propaganda against a politician is always a common scenario. The Philippine Political system seems to be a game of personalities.
What does this mirror in the political and socio-cultural facet of the country? Could these liabilities be solved? What are the roots of this personal politics, weak party-system and turncoatism? These and other related subjects will be the focus of the study. We will try to discern the different factors affecting the issue at hand and also to enumerate the different effects of this kind of system in the political and social arena of the country.
Research Question: What gives rise to the phenomenon of turncoatism in the Philippines?
- What gives rise to this phenomenon?
- What are its different manifestations in the Philippine politics?
- What are its effects in the Philippine political process?
- What can be done about it?
Tentative Answer: Turncoatism could be an indicative of a weak and non-ideological party–system which makes it easy for politicians to shift from one party to another. It also may be indicative of the preeminence of politicking and a struggle for power over sticking to principles and ideology.
General Objectives: To identify the roots of turncoatism, and to study its manifestations and implications on the political and societal aspects of the country.
- To discuss the electoral and Party – System of the country.
- To discuss turncoatism, its nature, evolution and existence in the Philippines.
- To study its manifestations at the level of national politics.
- To analyze the causes and effects of political turncoatism on the political and societal aspects of the Philippines.
- To give recommendations on what can be done to prevent, minimize or resolve turncoatism.
International Politics is really my craft and is where I am aligned into. I thought of different issues that I could actually study regarding my interests. I thought of Roadmap for Economic Integration and ASEAN Common Time. Both are interesting enough, but would cause me a lot of time and pressures since some terms and issues and document are not readily available. Also, since these issues are not yet implemented, I can get problems with sources and triangulations may cost me a lot of tactics and strategies.
Then I carefully thought of the next big thing, and that is something much reflective of the Philippine Politics. I thought of something that may help me understand the Political dynamics of the country, and eventually the readers of my research. I kept on thinking about something that is obviously a problem but of which its manifestations is not usually bothered and studied of and for that no actual reforms are passed to alter the problem. I decided to think of the wrongs and liabilities of the political dynamics in the Philippines.
I just can’t get over the rampant party-switching of different politicians for their own convenience and in my perspective, how the people just take that for granted and has it considered as a common Filipino political culture. And then, I get to ask what kind of PARTY system do we have? So that was it, I’m going to study the root of POLITICAL TURNCOATISM, all about these political butterflies and the Party System of the country that seems to be arbitrariness of its existence.
At first, since I wasn’t able to appreciate public administration and that I wasn’t able to take legislative course, it was hard for me to actually articulate from that point on and start doing things. But after reading piles of documents, books, articles and etc, watching and reading news, continuous researching and several informal discussions with classmates, elderly and some people with authority to the subject matter, what I have to do with my research becomes clearer and more interesting. I can actually say mine’s a good topic. It is very much political and indeed has social relevance.
It concerns the society as a whole and encompasses major difficulties in developing politically. It involves something that is present in the society that pulls the society downwards. It is also something not usually studied of although many had commented on. The issue here is sensitive and needs lots of carefulness and objectivity.
Review of Related Literature
The review of related literature involves a review of books, articles, papers presented at seminars and group discussion, journals, commentaries, data from the web and previous studies of the Philippine political culture and Philippine party system as well as that pf other states.
Foreign Party System and Manifestations of Turncoatism Abueva’s “Democracy: Philippine Perspective in Philippine Democratization and the Consolidation of Democracy since the 1986 Revolution: An Overview of the Main Issues, Trends and Prospects (1997) states that political parties in other countries are not only mechanisms for winning elections but also for mobilizing citizens in support of party ideology, policy ideas and reforms. Rose in his work, Shifting Tenses in Democratization (2000) enumerates several characteristics of the different levels of development within a political system.
He considered development in third world countries as backward. He gives several examples to support his idea. In Latin America and East Asia, the process of democratization goes side by side with the conversion of pre- modern personalistic system of authority into modern states. In Africa, institutions of states reflect indigenous traditional and contemporary developments rather than follow European models. On the one hand, he considered that there arose a different problem in the post communist states in Europe.
In Russia, Stalination purged the pre-modern state and put in its place an anti modern party- state in which socialist legality and party commands replaced the rule of law. Kaplan’s “Was Democracy Just A Moment?” (1997) seems to echo what Rose had just claimed. In his words, “For places which had not reached a certain level of development, a multi- party system merely hardens and institutionalizes frauds and crimes.” In the case of Uganda in 1986, President Museniev did not believe in a multi- party system so he cancelled such and posed an authoritative decision to stop the election.
According to the President, the only way of achieving power is to divide the 94% of the electorate which would not do any good for them since it may only create tribalism, regionalism and sectorialism. Also, in Rwanda, people resort to revolution as they long for a more democratic form of government which had been transformed to a multi-party system. However, following the institutionalization of the preferred system are different ethnic and regional crimes that had been masked by the political party system they preferred.
Meinardus’ “Political Parties and Ideological Mainstreams” in Korea Times (2003) states that in South Korea, regionalism remains a stronger force than ideology. On the other hand, they acknowledge that their current system need s to be altered since it curtails their political development. Also, a study entitled, American Parties in Comparative Study (2000) stated that US has political parties but they remain headless. There is neither a government nor opposition. Its structure is archaic and is less cohesive in enforcing national policy.
It has dispersed power, it consists of coalition of groups, ideological heterogeneity, inclusivility and lack of clear notion of membership. The researcher also claimed that the European form of party sytem is better developed, particularly in Great Britain. Parallel to that, Kaplan (1997) claims that Eastern Europe has historical preconditions for both democracy and industrial life which helped them attain their form of democracy in their current form; burgeois tradition, exposure to Western Enlightenment, high literacy rates and low birth rates.
Turncoats or change of party in most countries are condemned unlike here in the Philippines where they attain such dignity and still be able to go to the office to hold power. These show that the country does not alone monopolize the characterization of having weak parties.
For a better understanding of the issue at hand, these are several literature that will be reviewed. They will familiarize the researcher with the new terms and clearly outline the things that will be pertinent in comprehending and analyzing the topic.
Banloi’s Political Parties in the Philippines : From 1900 to present (1996) had enumerated several frameworks that may be used in analyzing the party system. This includes European scholars such as Ostrogorski, Michels and Duverger. Ostrogorski’s framework claims that the trouble with party system came when the party system became so powerful that the government has become subservient to it for it and is in lieu a threat to the democratic process. He said that these parties should be abolished and be replaced by associations that will better serve the interest of the public.
Michel’s Iron of Oligarchy accounted for the tendency of leaders to maintain power at the expense of their member’s interests. He deals with the effect of one structural variable on the operation of the party organization. For him, the problem resides when membership to the party has become so large that it turns into an association. This is so because in that kind of association, it gives leaders monopoly of power that may be abused or misused. Accordingly Sigmund Neumann’s Theory in Parties and the Government System (1968), to join a party is identification with one group and differentiation from another.
In other words, a party signifies partnership to one’s party and separation from another. Political parties are organizations of active political agents who are concerned with controlling governmental power and competing for popular support with other groups holding divergent views. It is the great intermediary that links social forces and ideologies to government institutions and relates them to political action within the political community. He enumerates four different determinants of which the complex party system can be analyzed.
First, the variations of the character of those who are led which argues that different social classes invite a variety of stimuli and reactions and that parties have an uneven appeal in various social strata; second, the size of party organization that state that the predominance of party-professional over the political amateur is reflected through the system of large-scale bureaucratic party organizations which diminishes the individual member’s potential for policy-making; third, functions of party authorities cause the strength and weakness of the authorities; lastly, the degree of participation is the key to the leader-follower relationship.
Also, one of the classifications that he institutionalized is the party of expediency of interest and party of principles. He states that when the party is given too much power or influence in policy-making it tends to conflict with their own interest, while when not so much priority is given to them, then, it would be an embodiment of their own principle fighting for power. These theories will not be used as a framework for analyzing the different problems in the research for its little applicability. However, discussions of the frameworks to be use in the study are included in the Analytical Framework of the study.
Philippine Political Culture
Culture in its minimal is everything that is socially created and shared by all (Montiel, 2000). There are literature that discuss politics in relation to culture which, nonetheless, may be helpful in the explanation and analysis in discerning the root of turncoatism. Garrido’s “The Mad Mad World of Philippine Politics” (Jan2005), an article in Asia Times states that political turncoatism is a characteristic of Philippine political culture since it can already be manifested from times of colonialism in the country. Here, certain cultures unique to Filipinos as patronage and pakikisama. In support, Varela (1994) claims that “The Filipino societal culture has shaped the political and administrative culture in the Philippines. The book A Changeless Land: Continuity and Discontinuity in Politics (1991) by David Timberman starts off his discussion of Philippine society and culture by describing the geographical and historical background, the ambiguity of history and identity crisis of the country because of colonialism, then continues a discussion of the different cultural diversity and complexity of the country. For him, culture and history when combined, forms society. In his term, “To understand Philippine politics, it is necessary to identify and understand the key elements of Philippine culture. ” In other words, the identification of political culture will help in the explanation of political behavior as controversial and problematic as ever.
Parallel to that is the work of Christina Montiel entitled, Philippine Political Culture and Governance in the book Philippine Political Culture: Views from Inside the Hall of Power (2000), which establishes that culture can be a determining factor in the process and issues of today and that just like what Timberman (1991) agreed that political practices and shared beliefs interact with historical conditions. Furthermore, she adds and fills the gap of technological advances and recent developments in the country like texting which is considered as a culture and made Edsa Dos and Tres possible. Just like the former, she recognizes that culture is structure embedded. Also, acccording to her, “Filipino political culture is a systematically related set of mental and concrete constructions. It includes beliefs, feelings, custom, language and paraphernalia shared by large groups of Filipino as they produce, allocate and use political powers within the side and interaction with the state. The other notable thing that she had discussed is that she acknowledges that Filipinos, having a collectivist culture are group sensitive and that individuals tend to define themselves in terms of in-group relation. They will alter the self in favor of the situation rather than the situation in favor of self. This may sound confusing but it is in the minimal explains the connection between politics and culture. However, when Timberman (1991) discusses the effects of primacy of kinship, reciprocity or patron client relationship, pakikisama and culture of poverty, Montiel (2000) on the other hand relates culture to current situations by identifying the objective and subjective aspect of culture.
The former are the observable values, political practices, languages and artifacts while the latter being grounded psychology are compromises in interaction of a group. Between the two, many followed Timberman (1991) in discussing the relationship of politics and culture. Just like in the descriptive study of Rodelio Manacsa entitled, The Formal Structures for Political Participation: The Electoral and Party Systems in the Philippines in the book Politics and Governance: Theory and Practice in the Philippine Context (1999) who discusses political cultures in the Philippines such as elite domination, pakikisama, patronage, kinship all related to the ills of the party system in the Philippine milieu.
This may be very helpful in discussing the nature, function and existence of formal political participation in the country – the electoral and party-system in the country in comparing and contrasting facts and also with analyzing whether the end product or the present situation can be attributed to culture. For further understanding and clearer cut of how culture goes side by side with politics, Varela’s Administrative Culture and Political Change (1994) offers several frameworks relevant in comprehending the political culture of the country. Some cultural perspectives offered are the classical perspectives, neoclassical perspective, human-relation perspective, modern structural perspectives, systems and contingency, power and politics perspectives. These, however, would not be used in the study.
All of these are frameworks for analyzing politics in the context of culture varying only in the facet of culture to be used such as in human-relation perspective wherein motives of the people and its hierarchical needs are taken into consideration in explaining things. These frameworks are useful in understanding and predicting holistic organizational phenomena involving employees, leadership effectiveness and innovation and organizational survival. However, several limitations are to be encountered in the use of these kinds of frameworks, (1) They are not the only solution in understanding phenomena, (2) There are no standards in using them; there are some arbitrariness in its concepts and definitions, and (3) their legitimacy has been challenged.
In all, Filipino Political Culture is something that is unique to the Philippines, shared by Filipinos and which was shaped by the culture of primacy of kinship, reciprocity, pakikisama and culture of poverty (Timberman, 1991). It could be seen in these literatures and the other literature to be reviewed later that they are agreeing that some aspects of the political culture that affect society are particularism, ambiguous class affiliation, skepticism on the effectiveness of government, ambivalence about democracy, personalism, elite dominance politics, patronage system, and uncertainty of the term nationalism (Acosta, 2000; Garrido, 2005; Magno, 1995; Mendoza, 1999; Montiel, 2000; Rocamora, 2000; Sabangan, 2004;Timberman, 1991; Varela, 1994;Velasco, 2004).
In this regard, Raul Petierra’s ‘The Market’ in Asian Values’ (1998) states that the values of the Filipinos, in some way or another are unique to them but could be traced back to the context of being a colonial land from where the ambiguity of identity, nationalism and democracy clearly arose from. These are at times also comparable with other third world countries like Indonesia and Thailand. Also, he introduced another culture of Filipino leaders, which to him is that “Filipinos personalize public spheres and when possible use its resources to pursue private gain” which is nothing but having selfish motives. Also he came to agree with others that the personalistic orientation of the Philippines has done nothing good for the country but weaken its public institution.
As stated earlier, that most literature used culture to define and give explanation to certain political phenomenon such as the issue at hand at this moment. However, these materials do not actually dwell with culture alone and mixed it up with some other aspects of democracy such as elitist-dominance or traditional politics, clans’ power relation, electoral process, social movements, globalization and party-system. Other literature put it side by side with corruption. Philippine Political Party System In relation to this study, it is necessary to determine the evolution, nature, definition and enumerate, and define the functions of the party system in the country.
There are several literature that give an in-depth discussion of the evolution of the party system in the country. The Political Parties in the Philippines: From 1900 to the Present (1996) written by Banloi and Carlos discusses baranganic times and the Spanish era in which no political parties had been instituted, the point of the American era which is the time political Parties had been born up to the Political parties in the 1996’s. The book offers discussion of important issues involving parties such as the rise and fall and evolutions of the parties. The book also has an enumeration of different frameworks that can be used in analyzing political parties such as that of Duverger, Michells, and Neumann.
On the one hand Riedinger’s Caciques and Coups (2001) offers a discussion of parties from the time of Aquino which he claimed could have been an opportunity to instutionalize a stable party system up to the Ramos administration. It also offers a time line in which the Philippines had been in the process of transition from a two-party system to a one-party system to a multi-party system. This is also the way in which Doronila, in A New Paradigm in Understanding Filipino Politics (1996) presented its way of differentiating the causes of events that led to a multi-party system, two-party-system and one-party system. Acoording to him, multiparty system is caused by the democratic and electoral system of the country.
Guns, Goons and Government in the book in In 1992 and Beyond: Forces and Issues in Philippine Elections (1992) by de Quiroz just like Banloi’s offers a comparative political party system from the Spanish times but only until the first term of Marcos. He identified different party-switching and personalistic character in the electoral aspect of the country in part of voting in for a person or two. The book In 1992 and Beyond: Forces and Issues in Philippine Elections (1992) also includes an article by Fermi Adriano entitled, From Theory to Reality: The Vision of Political Parties and which enumerates the political parties from Nacionalista Party and Liberal Party which are the pioneers in the country being the two first political parties instituted during the American times.
Other than these, not almost but all of the literature discussing the Philippine party system do come up with one conclusion, that the Philippines has a weak political party system characterized by non-ideological policies, politicking, rampant party-switching, undistinguishable, and personalized. The different discussions of the review would somehow touch on how turncoatism evolves. Weak Party System and Democracy The book Comparative Politics (1996) includes Thompson’s “Off the Endangered List: Philippine Democratization in Comparative Perspectives” that asserts that the Philippines has the most endangered form of government contributing to destabilized political institution. And this ill provides opportunities for non-democratic political entrepreneurs.
Riedinger’s Caciques and Coups (2001) seems to echo Thompson’s (1996) claim that Philippines democracy is marked by electoral fraud, violence, domination of traditional elites, weak parties and functionalism, human abuses, corruption and nsurgency movements. He further goes on to say that there is a need for reform in electoral and liberal democracy to improve the political institutions and governance. An article in Society Transitions to Democracy (May-June 1991 issue) by Inkles claims that “there can be no meaningful democracy in the national system without a system of stable and responsive political systems.” He offers several reforms to improve the political party situation in the country such as parties to accept restrictions and pursue the interests of its members and not their personal interests.
A Paper presented at the conference Democracy and Civil Society In Asia: The Emerging Opportunities and Challenges in Queens University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada, 19-21 August 2000 by Rocamora entitled, “Formal Democracy and its Alternatives in the Philippines: Parties, Elections and Social Movements” (2000) discusses a thorough historical background of democracy in the Philippines as related to the evolution of the party system. Moreover, it focuses on a discussion of turncoatism or in his words, party-switching. This document will be very useful in the discussion of turncoatism, its roots, nature and existence in Philippines. The author went on to discuss solutions and processes that can be used to transcend this situation which will help the researcher analyze and lay down different recommendations and other to prevent, minimize or control turncoatism. He also contends that unless the country adapts the parliamentary form of government, then parties will remain irrelevant.
From this point, the researcher raises the question, How could the party that’s not so mature function effectively in a parliamentary form of government? However, another work, Abueva’s “Democracy: Philippine Perspective” in Philippine Democratization and the Consolidation of Democracy since the 1986 Revolution: An Overview of the Main Issues, Trends and Prospects (1997) gives the same conclusion as Rocamora (2000) that to combat the current ills of the party system and to make them more democratic and functioning, meaningful, respectable and prestigious, the country must follow the parliamentary form of government rather than presidential system.
Velasco in As Bad as it Gets: Political Parties Making a Mockery of Democratic Institutions (2004), a Research Paper for Democracy Watch Department Institute for Popular Democracy sees no political party to speak of that is relevant in a parliamentary form of government. In her paper, she states that the number of political parties in the country is indeterminate because there are some splitting and creation of another party from time to time. She also takes time to say that the parties are not ideologically based. Weak Party System, Traditional Politics, Elite-Dominance and Political Clans Francisco Magno’s “Traditional and New Politics in the Philippines” in Philippine Government (1995) defines traditional politics as the mode of political contestation in which the contenting factions of the elite vie for the support of the people through the cultivation of patronage and spoils system.
He added that elites looks at membership in parties in terms of convenience, that is why they can freely swing from one party to another not at their own risk but more appropriately for their own convenience. As Gutierrez in All in the Family: A Study of Elites and Power Relations in the Philippines (1992) states “From the elite, the problem emanates and at the same they are the solution to the problem. ” They are encouraged to be more representative of the interests of the constituents they are representing. Here, it is recognized that the elite domination is attributed to the weakness of the institution of the country. The clan’s ability to dispense patronage undermines party solidarity and makes it vulnerable both to party switching and control of those who command the resources. Coronel, et. l in The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-Born Dominate the Congress (1999) asserts that due to the weakness of political institutions, opportunism had been opened up to the elites and allows political families to survive from shifting political parties for their own convenience. The Paper presented at the 11th International Anti-Corruption Conference Workshop on Monitoring Political Party Financing and Curbing Electoral Corruption: The Role of Civil Society entitled in Moving to Higher Ground: Reforming Political Parties And Electoral Finance in the Philippines (2005), shows how elite syndicates the political system and threaten the integrity of the formulation of public policy and the autonomy of the state to implement public programs. The money and resources they have to offer indeed holds their influence in power.
These literature have in one way or another already discussed some facts about party-discipline and party-solidarity, since turncoatism is manifested in the party system. Some motivations and causes of the phenomenon of party-switching had likewise been discussed. Also, these literature includes the discussion of different reforms and processes that can be resorted to in order to transcend this kind of phenomenon such as strengthening the party system through a parliamentary form of government, the imposition of consequences legally binding on every politician, better electoral process of selecting candidates and the will for better governance.
In addition, Arquiza’s “A Wiser, Gentler Politics” in In 1992 and Beyond: Forces and Issues in Philippine Elections (1992) offers alternatives to alter the personalistic behavior of the electorate which she terms as guns, goons and gold through the other three-G’s, guts, goals and glory. Also, she added the need to determine the politician to be elected by the platform and programs the person is offering. There are however few literature which offer an in-depth discussion of turncoatism, its nature, evolution and existence. The article by Sabangan entitled, “Turncoatism breeds chameleons” (2004) offers a definition of turncoatism, its nature and existence in the Philippine government and its processes and historical consistency too in the political system.
The book of Ethics in Politics: Three Lectures (1994) by Salonga, involves discussion of political turncoatism in relation to the ethics of public administration. Discussion of these literatures will be on Chapter III. All these literature will be very much helpful in analyzing the party politics in the Philippines and the rise of turncoatism in the country. It will also be instrumental in formulating an efficient solution to the problem at hand. Theoretical Framework There would be an integration of the several theories in the study to be able to efficiently analyze the Philippine party system in general and political turncoatism in particular.
Eldersveld’s Theory of Political Parties in “A Theory of Political Parties” in Parties and the Governmental System: A Book of Readings (1968) defines the political party system as a social group, a system of meaningful and patterned activity within a larger society and is also a polity, a miniature of political system in itself. It consists of a hierarchical set of individuals inhabiting specific roles and behaving as member-actors of a boundaried and identifiable social unit. He also identifies four structural characteristics of party organization; first, the need to adapt to group demands in order to achieve the party’s ultimate goal, it is coined as an exploitative relationship in which those who would join to use it, and will mobilize those who joined it for the sake of power. The party according to him, is open, informal and personalized.
Secondly, the adaptive character of parties stimulates diverse conflicts within the system in such a way that some objectives may conflict with the totality of the organization. Accordingly, these conflicts should be handled with tolerance and flexibility so as not to trouble the organization. Thirdly, the hierarchical structure of subdivisions within the party organization, which in more elaborative ways, implies that the diversity of structured sub-units, social groupings, and member orientations within the party organization is continually being pondered upon as against a propensity toward a concentration of power of a self-sustaining elite. Power should be diffused accordingly to its members. And the last feature refers to the distinctive feature of party elites.
Party leadership is plural, consisting of a series of distinct career groups founded through sub-coalitional balance within the party. Maurice Duverger in Political Parties (1963), enumerated a typology of political parties in the basis of its membership. He assumed that the roles of the parties and akin institutions are to win political power and exercise it. Another helpful part in her theory is the system of a cadre party wherein nobilities group for the preparation of elections; they conduct campaigns and maintain contact with the candidates. They gets its support from influential people, secure them votes, back them up, and finance their campaigns. This system is primarily based upon the personal qualities of its members.
Another very important theory that will help greatly in the analysis of data is the Radical Framework in Political Parties in the Philippines: From 1900 to present (1996) which regards the mainstream Philippine political parties as instruments of ruling class struggling for both political and economic power. These ruling class are termed historical evils which promotes imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism. Examples of this kind of actors are landlords and capitalists. Accordingly, Jose Maria Sison of the Maoist Communist party of the Philippines said that political parties became instrument of the bureaucrats to pursue their power and other interests while making a false illusion of democratic choice. In so far as, elections is nothing but intra-elite competition in which political parties and candidates where consists of persons that are financially able and is politically permitted to run for office.
Accordingly, a genuine political party is the Communist Party alone for it is the party of broad masses and proteletarian class. These are only three of the many approaches that deals with political parties but these are very essential in this research. Aside frome its common usage, it is also applicable in the discussion and anayzing political parties in the context of the Philippine’s politics and society. Conceptual Framework The diagram shows that the dependent variable or the desired effect which is the end or minimization of turncoatism in the political milieu of the Philippines which often leads to unprincipled politics or the politics of compromise.
For this to happen, it is necessary that the independent variables or the causes should be satisfied – that is of having an ideologically- based political system, election of candidates through platforms, change of mindset of people, from a culture of patronage to a culture of public service and trust, forms of check and balance by active citizenry, active political participation by the society, enhanced party discipline and strict adherence to the Law that minimizes of forbid turncoatism. However, the desired effect could only be realized under certain conditions of or intervening values which include time, since it is a great factor of effecting change. The problem of turncoatism and the kind of party politics the Philippines has can be rooted to the cultural foundations of the Filipinos themselves. The necessities of massive orientation of electorates is also important for the election of notable and more competitive politicians and the will for better governance.
With the achievement of the desired effect that is to end or minimize turncoatism, the outcome or result will be an institutionalization of a stable party system where parties have definitive stance on issues and clear-cut programs of governance. It will then be a politics of vision, ideals and conviction that has a system acting on people’s trust, confidence, and loyalty. Conceptual Operational Definition There are several factors to be tested in the study:
1. Coherence – Huttington (1965) in American Party in Comparative Politics (2005) defines coherence as the degree of congruence in the attitudes and behavior of the party members.
2. Cohesion – Collie (1985) in American Party in Comparative Politics (2005) defines cohesion as the extent to which parties vote together in certain issues debated upon. It can be analyzed through six environmental factors: presidential government, federalism, multiple parties, ideological polarization, single-member districts and legislative effectiveness.
3. Electoral Strength – the power, influence and effectiveness of parties to win elections and maximize the number of elective offices won (n American Party in Comparative Politics, 2005) .
4. Factionalism – any intra-party combination, clique, or grouping whose member share a sense of the common identity and common identity and common purpose and are organized to act collectively as a distinct block within the party to achieve their goals (Zariski, 1960) in American Party in Comparative Politics (2005). It is based on ideology, leadership, issues and strategy.
5. Fluidity – Garrido (2005) defines the term as a political survival tactic, a way to stay in power.
6. Ideology – Magno (1995) defines ideology as set of ideas which either justify or challenge an existing political or social system. It also provides a political perspective or social vision which drives people to action.
7. Involvement – the intensity of psychological identification with the party ans as the commitment to furthering its objectives by participating in party activities. It is tested through the concept of party membership, degree of participation and the nature of participation (Janda, 1980 in American Party in Comparative Politics)
8. Issue- Orientation – subsumed in the concept of ideology as stated in the American Party in Comparative Politics (2005) 9. Participation – impact of political parties on governmental political parties as defined in American Party in Comparative Politics (2005) 10. Power – Magno (1995) defines power as the capacity of political actors to affect the actions of another in accordance with the formers intention. It has two properties, intentional and coercive power.
11. Responsive – Inkles (1991) defines the term as in a condition when the party belongs to its members and its supporters, under no circumstances can it be personal, political instrument of a leader.
12. Stability – Inkles (1991) endure over time so that it has a clear definition and can act as articulator of the interests of its supporter. Research Design Methodology Data NeededSourcesTechniques in Data GatheringAnalysis 1. Filipino Political BehaviorPrimary & secondaryLiterature Review Surveys InterviewsContent analysis & Thematic analysis 2. Party – System and Electoral Participation 2. a. Foreign 2. b. Philippines Secondary Literature Review Content analysis & Thematic analysis 3. Turncoatism in the Philippines 3. a Nature 3. b evolution 3. c existence 3. d manifestations First Hand/ Primary & Secondary Literature Review & Interviews Content analysis & Thematic analysis 4. Perception of people on Party System and turncoatism Are they buying it? Negative? Positive?
Do not care? Ready for change? Primary Sources & Secondary FGD Surveys Interviews Content analysis & coding for themes 5. Possible Ways in curtailing/ diminishing turncoatism In the country. Primary & SecondaryFGD Interviews with experts like political analysts, radio commentators, political scientists, politicians Content analysis & coding for themes The researcher reviewed the literature on the topic in various libraries such as the National Library, the San Beda Library, the University of Santo Tomas Library, University of the Philippines Diliman Main Library, NCPAG Library, University of Manila CAS Library, and University of Manila Main Library.
The researcher read newspapers and watched the television for up to date and current happenings in the political parties in the country. There may be current manifestations of politicians resigning from one party in favor of another, different stands on issues, voting patterns. Actually observed were the behavior of political parties and their members. The researcher will also make use of the internet to gather opinions from different forums and to obtain credible speeches and papers pertinent to the study. The researcher also plans to attend seminars regarding policy-making, and any other issue-oriented seminars which in one way or another encompass the subject matter to be studied.
The researcher plans to interview political analysts, politicians as Congressman, Senators, Mayors and barangay captains, students and some mass for information gathering and triangulation on questions regarding turncoatism, political culture and people’s perceptions on turncoatism and party politics in the country. The researcher also plans to conduct surveys with students and regarding turncoatism, political culture and people’s perceptions on turncoatism and party politics in the country. The interviews are to be done with informed consent forms and surveys are to be administered by the researcher.
Ethical Aspects of Research
The research will not harm nor condemn anybody with different views, comments, opinions and recommendations. The researcher will be open to various beliefs of the people, putting in mind their differences in their political beliefs and stands. The researcher also considers the study to be sensitive thus the need to be more cautious and objective. The researcher also assures that all the information that the researcher got from the study will be considered as a private document. It will only be used for the purpose of the study. Also, all the information will be given due care and will be given protection according to the laws imposed by the University of the Philippines. Further, no documents or details will be shown without the permission of the person the researcher had interviewed or surveyed. Method of Analysis This paper used historical-descriptive analysis.
To show the evolution of political turncoatism as manifested in the political parties, the researcher will present the chronology of events from the institution of party system to the present. By doing such the researcher may compare and contrast the various issues, policies, membership and solidarity of political parties wherein not only its strengths and weaknesses could be inferred but also the identification of turncoats can easily be done. The researcher will also do a content analysis of numerous literatures that were available with regards to the topic. The researcher will be doing an in-depth study of the contents of these various literatures and deemed what is important for the success of the research.
The interviews will be taped and transcribed for information and then coded for themes and subthemes, after which a meta analysis will be done. Surveys will be consolidated for differences and similarities of ideas and views of the participant as well as arrive at generalizations. Most of the information was already found in the literatures and the interviews and surveys will be done for verification purposes and for the gathering of more recent and current information on the subject. Scope and Limitation This study contains a discussion of the institutionalization of the party system in the Philippines from the time of the American colonization and its continuing evolution as a political institution in the country.
Since the study is about the troubled party discipline – political turncoatism – as manifested in the Philippine party system, the researcher first dealt with the definition of party system, its nature, structure, evolution, power and influence policy formation and stance in issues in the country. It is true that the countries’ political system is weak and is causing several inefficiencies in the political process and governance, the analysis of data regarding the party will be based on the literature and what is deemed as important in the study. This part is essential in determining the root causes of turncoatism and where its manifestation first arose.
A discussion on electoral politics will also be done in relation to determine of the implications of turncoatism on the voting behavior of the electorate. The researcher will then go to a discussion of the core issues of the research, Turncoatism. It will then discuss its definition, nature, manifestations and underlying reasons for its occurrence. The researcher will also explore the differences and similarities between the different motives of turncoats in the Philippine politics. Since there are other words to pertain to turncoatism, it is made clear that the political turncoats may be called chameleons, balimbings or political butterflies in some part of the study and in some interviews and surveys.
Since political parties extend their membership up to the provinces and baranganic territories, one limitation of the study is to view turncoatism at the national level to give more concrete study of national politics. Also, to study the whole political dynamics of the country may require longer time for the study over what was actually permitted and will not be done. The researcher would want to interview politicians who had actually performed the act of shifting political parties but due to the sensitivity of the subject matter, the researcher would leave it to chance combined with patience and the will to interview these kinds of politicians, for her success. It is possible that such politicians will refuse to be interviewed but we will still try our best.
The study also included the researcher’s recommendation on how to minimize and effectively curtail turncoatism or otherwise propose different ways and reforms of strengthening party discipline and in turn the political party system of the country. The researcher initially wants to discuss the entire weakness of the party system not only with an in-depth focus with turncoatism but with all of its weakness. However, with problems of little time and the broadness of the study the researcher decides not to dwell with it. Hence, turncoatism as manifested in the party-system and electoral system, was the concentration of the research. Relevance of Study
Turncoatism seems to be considered part of the Filipino political culture. The shifting from one party membership to another had been nothing but a common phenomenon that exists in the political dynamics of the Philippines. However, not only did it delays the development and maturity of political parties, it also leaves the political and societal milieu with nothing but promises and considers the political arena not to represent the Filipino people but to take advantage of situations for their own convenience. Turncoatism is most obviously seen in election days, in people powers phenomenon and issue-stance and voting behavior of the politicians.
This phenomenon is considered as natural as their existence in the Philippines and up to date, there is no clear-cut reforms that had been concluded to combat the ailment. The study is deemed important to educate the society of the nature of turncoatism which makes ineffectiveness, if not paralyzes many of the country’s policies and programs. The study of the root causes that give rise to the phenomenon will offer ways on combating turncoatism. And with that, everything else follows; there will be a strong party system with a clear-cut program for governance. Everyone should realize that despite the deep inculcation of the phenomenon to the Filipino culture, there will still be a way for better governance.
The study is socially relevant to the Philippines for it may finally better the political arena in the country. It is also politically helpful in the sense that it may cure one of the diseases the country has long been suffering from. Having realized this, people will opt for a more competitive, more reliable, more transparent and much more solid way on fighting issues and combating problems. There would be a want for a more reflection of the constituency’s interests and not the mere interest of the politicians in representation. The research will also fill the gaps between history and current issues. It may confirm and offers new values and information that is pertinent in starting a new and identifying problems. References Abueva, Jose. (1997).
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Diliman, Quezon City: College of Public Administration, University of the Philippines Press, p. 1-21, 88-99, 195-313 Velasco, Djorina. (August 2004). As Bad as it Gets: Political Parties Making a Mockery of Democratic Institutions. A Research Paper for Democracy Watch Department Institute for Popular Democracy. July 2, 2005. American Parties in Comparative Perspective. internet. Data. July 22, 2005. http;/wps. ablongman. com/long_Edwards_gab7/0,8044,879421-,00. html. Key Informant for In- Depth Interviews Magandang Araw po! Ako po ay si Dyan Illana Reyes, mag-aaral sa ika-apat na taon ng BA Political Science sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas Manila.
Kasalukuyan po akong gumagawa ng pag-aaral ukol sa Sistema ng Partidong Pulitikal (Party System) sa Pilipinas na may kaukulang pagbibigay ng pokus sa mga pangyayaring lipatan ng partido. I. Katangian at Pakay ng Pananaliksik Ang pag-aaral po na ito ay ukol sa Sistema ng Partidong Pulitikal (Party System) sa Pilipinas na may kaukulang pagbibigay ng pokus sa mga pangyayaring lipatan ng partido. Magiging kapaki-pakinabang po at mahalaga ang mga kaalaman at persepsyon ninyo patungkol sa isyu na pinag-aaralan. Sa pangkalahataN, bibigyang pansin ng pag-aaral ang iba’t-ibang aspeto ng Sistemang Partidong Pulitikal sa Bansa at titingnan po sa pag-aaral na ito ang iba’t ibang kalakaran at sistema ng pagiging isang “partido”. Gayundin, bibigyan ng malaking pansin ang mga lumilipat ng partido o mga turncoats/balimbing.
Pag-aaralan ang ebolusyon, katangian, istruktura at ang mga persepyon ng mga propesyonal tulad ng mga mamamahayag, political analysts at maging ang mga pulitiko mismo, maging estudyante. Gayundin, kasinghalaga nito ang nasasaisip ng mga karaniwang tao. II. Mga di Kaginhawahan at Peligro Ang mga tatalakayin po sa magiging interbyu ay pinaaalam na may pagkasensitibong paksa. Makakaasa po kayo na anumang mapaguusapan, maitatala o maibibigay na kaalaman ay hindi lalabas para sa konsumpsyon ng iba. Gayundin po ang inyo pong pangalan ay hindi babanggitin o kung kaya naman ay nasa inyong permiso ay lalagyan na lamang po ng code o alyas. Ang mga sagot ay gagamitin lamang sa pagkakaroon ng mas komprehensibo at pagsalamin at paglinaw ng katotohan ukol sa paksa.
Sa pagkakataon na mayroon kayong komento, tanong o reaksyon maaari po kayong makipag-ugnayan sa akin,. Maari nyo po akong makausap sa numerong ito, 09209275703. III. Mga Benepisyo Wala pong pansariling benepisyo na makukuha sa pag-aaral na ito. Subalit, magkagayon man ang inyo pong maibibigay na impormasyon ay makakatulong sa pagdodokumento, pagkumpirma, pagbibigay ng bagong kaalaman o persepsyon sa sistema ng pulitika ng ating bansa. Ito rin po ay makakatulong sa pagbubuo ng maaaring alternatibio sa mga maling parte ng sistemang pulitikal ng bansa. IV. Konpidensyalidad Lahat po ng mga impormasyong makukuha sa pag-aaralna ito ay ituturing na pribadong dokumento sa eklusibo lamang na gagamitin para sa pag-aaral ukol sa paksa.
Ang mga impormasyon ay bibigyang halaga at proteksyon ayon sa patakarang itinakda ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas. Walang ilalabas na dokumento o detalye mula po sa inyo ng walang pahintulot mula sa inyo. V. Di Pagsangayon o Pagbitiw Ang desisyon sa pagpapaunlak sa gagawing interbyu ay nakasalalay po sa inyo. Ang inyong pagpapaunlak ay kusang loob. Sakali pong magpaunlak kayo ay may kalayaan pa rin po kayong magbitiw kahit anupamang oras. VI. Karapatan o Reklamo Kung sakali pong mayroon kayong reklamo o komento na nais idulog ukol sa mga tanong o naging gawi ng ginawang interbyu o magbigay po ng karagdagang impormasyon at ng higit pang maunawaan angn mga karapatan ninyo, maaring makipagugnayan lamang po kay: Dr.
Josefina Tayag Thesis Adviser Department of Social Sciences University of the Philippines Manila Tel. No. : 524-1556 Ito ay pagpapatunay na nabasa at naintindihan ang nakalathala sa taas at sumasaan-ayon ako na makilahok sa pag-aaral ________________________ Lagda ng Boluntir ________________________ Petsa Ako po ay naroon at nakita ang proseso ng pagsan-ayon at pagpirma ng boluntir ________________________ Lagda ng Saksi ________________________ Petsa Ito ay pagpapatunay na maliwanag kong naipaliwanag sa boluntir ang katangian ng aking pag-aaral maging ang kanyang mga karapatan ________________________ Lagda ng Mananaliksik ________________________ Petsa